Between Two Cultures

Integration is often assessed based on what newcomers must do to become part of a society: learning the language, finding employment, understanding local customs, and building social relationships. These aspects are important, but they do not capture the entire psychological and social complexity of integration.

What happens when people build their lives in a country different from the one where they grew up? How do their children and grandchildren understand cultural identity and belonging? And what can established migrant communities teach us about the conditions that promote long-term integration?

Austria offers a relevant context for exploring these questions. Communities with Turkish and former Yugoslav backgrounds have been part of Austrian society for several decades. Research from Germany, Italy, and France provides additional perspectives on how integration develops under different social and institutional conditions.

Integration is not a single outcome that inevitably occurs over time. People can fully participate in education, employment, and social life and still experience discrimination or feel that they are not recognized as belonging by others. Maintaining a strong connection to one’s own cultural heritage does not necessarily indicate a lack of integration. To understand these experiences, it is necessary to consider individual life paths, family relationships, social opportunities, and the reactions of the broader society.

For many people with a migration background, identity develops through relationships with more than one cultural environment. Family life can shape language, values, traditions, and expectations, while school, work, friendships, and public life convey other ways of understanding the world. These influences need not contradict each other. They can become complementary components of a flexible identity, even if negotiating them can sometimes involve uncertainty or tension.

Experiences vary depending on the age at the time of migration, family circumstances, social class, reasons for migration, and the reception that people experience in the new country. Someone who migrates as an adult may already have established relationships, routines, and a strong sense of identity. A child who grows up in the host country may develop a strong local identity while also remaining connected to the cultural heritage of their family.

Young people sometimes encounter different expectations at home and among their peers. They may want to respect family traditions while also striving for autonomy and acceptance in their social lives.

However, not every disagreement between parents and children should be interpreted as a cultural conflict. Differences between generations also reflect personality, changing societal expectations, and ordinary family dynamics.

Identity is shaped not only by how people perceive themselves, but also by how others react to them. Being repeatedly treated as an outsider can make belonging seem conditional, even if someone has lived in a country for decades.

The question, therefore, is not whether people should preserve one identity or replace it with another. What is crucial is whether they can develop a coherent sense of self and, at the same time, participate in society without feeling that they have to deny important aspects of their background.

Longitudinal research follows the same individuals over a longer period, allowing researchers to examine how experiences and outcomes change. It differs from cross-sectional research, which compares people or groups at a specific point in time, and from intergenerational comparisons, which examine differences between parents and their children. Each approach offers valuable, but different, insights.

For example, the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey in Four European Countries (CILS4EU) began in 2010 by surveying young people aged approximately 14 in Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and England. More than 18,000 students participated in the first survey wave. The project examined the development of children of immigrants and their native-born peers, including processes related to integration across generations. Austria, Italy, and France were not included in the original four-country design (CILS4EU, n.d.).

Research on the second generation also challenges the assumption that children of immigrants automatically achieve equality with the majority population. The TIES survey report, which examined people with Turkish and former Yugoslav backgrounds in Berlin and Frankfurt, investigated education, employment, housing, cultural orientations, social relationships, and family formation. It illustrates why integration must be examined in multiple areas, rather than being solely derived from cultural identification (Wilmes & Sürig, 2015).

Broader comparative findings provide a complementary picture. The Indicators of Immigrant Integration 2023 report from the OECD and the European Commission examines outcomes in areas such as employment, education, living conditions, and social inclusion. The publication highlights both progress and persistent differences, emphasizing the importance of considering the composition of immigrant groups and the context of each country (OECD/European Commission, 2023).

These findings do not demonstrate that each subsequent generation integrates more successfully than the previous one. Differences between groups cannot automatically be attributed to cultural background either. Educational opportunities, socioeconomic circumstances, discrimination, institutional frameworks, and family resources all play a role.

The key finding is that integration develops unevenly. Progress in education can coexist with obstacles in employment or social acceptance. Long-term integration is better understood through multiple outcomes and the conditions that shape them.

Families are important environments in which cultural identity and belonging are negotiated. Parents may want to preserve their language, traditions, and values, while their children encounter different expectations through school, friendships, and the broader society. These differences can create tensions, but also foster dialogue and the development of new family practices.

Children who grow up in the host country often become familiar with its language and institutions more quickly than their parents. In some families, this can reverse established roles: children may help their parents navigate administrative systems, understand official communications, or make sense of unfamiliar social conventions. Such responsibilities can foster competence, but can also put children under pressure if the expectations exceed what is appropriate for their age.

Differences between generations should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of a clash of cultures. Parents and children can share many values and still have different opinions about how those values should be expressed. Their relationships are also shaped by economic circumstances, educational opportunities, family history, and individual personalities.

A supportive family environment can help young people negotiate different expectations without feeling compelled to reject either their cultural heritage or their social environment. At the same time, families benefit when schools, public institutions, and the wider community acknowledge their circumstances, rather than expecting them to overcome every challenge on their own.

Belonging is not determined solely by how people identify themselves. It is also influenced by whether others recognize them as legitimate members of the society in which they live. A person may speak the majority language fluently, have been educated locally, and participate in community life, but still be permanently treated as an outsider because of their name, appearance, religion, or perceived origin.

Discrimination can affect opportunities in education, employment, housing, and social relationships. Repeated experiences of exclusion can undermine trust and lead to people being less willing to participate in institutions or communities where they do not feel welcome. These experiences should not be confused with a lack of willingness to integrate.

The OECD and the European Commission include social inclusion and related outcomes in the dimensions used to compare the integration of immigrants across countries. This reflects a crucial point: integration cannot be measured solely by what immigrants do. The opportunities and treatment they encounter must also be examined (OECD/European Commission, 2023).

Additional barriers can arise when a migration background intersects with other aspects of identity or social position.

LGBTIQ+ migrants may experience prejudice within their families, communities, or the broader society due to their sexual orientation or gender identity. Some have migrated to escape persecution or discrimination, while others encounter new forms of exclusion after their arrival. The 2024 survey by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights reported that 54 percent of LGBTIQ+ respondents who identified as asylum seekers or refugees felt discriminated against. This finding relates to a specific survey group and should not be generalized to all LGBTIQ+ migrants. Nevertheless, it illustrates the importance of considering intersecting forms of disadvantage (FRA, 2024).

Migrants with disabilities may face inaccessible accommodation, transportation, public services, and reception procedures. In addition, there are difficulties in navigating unfamiliar administrative systems. A policy briefing from 2026 by the European Disability Forum and the International Refugee Assistance Project describes barriers in migration and asylum systems, including inaccessible reception conditions, as well as gaps in support and social protection (EDF & IRAP, 2026).

Neither an LGBTIQ+ identity nor a disability should in itself be considered a psychological vulnerability. Difficulties often arise from inaccessible environments, discrimination, inadequate support, or the interaction of multiple barriers.

Meaningful integration therefore requires more than cultural adaptation. It depends on social recognition, accessibility, protection from discrimination, and the ability to participate in society without having to hide important aspects of one’s own identity.

The experiences of established migrant communities offer the opportunity to go beyond assumptions about what integration should look like. For example, communities with Turkish and former Yugoslav backgrounds in Austria and Germany include people whose families have lived in their host country for several generations. Their experiences cannot be reduced either to a single trajectory or to a uniform relationship with cultural heritage.

Research on the second generation shows how valuable it is to jointly examine education, employment, housing, social relationships, and cultural identification, rather than considering cultural identity in isolation (Wilmes & Sürig, 2015). Comparative findings from the OECD also show differences between countries and outcome areas, even among people with similar migration backgrounds (OECD/European Commission, 2023).

These findings suggest three further conclusions. First, the time spent in a country does not automatically eliminate inequality or discrimination. Second, maintaining cultural traditions is compatible with participation in the broader society. Third, the opportunities available to individuals depend not only on their own efforts, but also on institutions, social relationships, and the treatment they experience.

Established communities also remind us that integration is not a process that only affects immigrants. Societies change through migration. Their institutions, cultural practices, and notions of belonging evolve as successive generations participate in public life.

These conclusions should not be understood as evidence that the experiences of one community can predict those of another. Historical circumstances, migration routes, public policies, and socioeconomic conditions differ. It is more useful to identify recurring patterns while also paying attention to differences between groups and countries.

European research suggests that integration is multidimensional and uneven, and is shaped by the interplay between individuals and their social environment. Education, employment, language, family relationships, social participation, and recognition can develop at different rates. No single indicator fully captures the experience of belonging.

The experiences of established migrant communities challenge the idea that integration requires the gradual disappearance of cultural differences. People can maintain connections to their cultural heritage while also fully participating in the society in which they live. However, cultural identification alone cannot protect people from discrimination or guarantee equal opportunities.

A more comprehensive understanding of integration must therefore consider both individual pathways and the conditions that societies create for participation. This includes recognizing differences within migrant communities, addressing barriers for LGBTIQ+ people and people with disabilities, and distinguishing between cultural differences and social exclusion.

Ultimately, integration should not be measured by how closely people resemble an imagined cultural norm. Instead, it should be assessed by whether they have meaningful opportunities to participate, build relationships, pursue their goals, and be recognized as members of the society they help shape.

Note

This article provides an overview of selected European research and is not a comprehensive systematic review. Longitudinal studies, cross-sectional comparisons, and intergenerational research address different questions. Their findings should be interpreted according to their study design and scope.

A concluding thought

Perhaps the most important question is not how people can belong to one culture without belonging to another, but how societies can create space for people whose lives connect multiple cultural worlds.